A constitutional right that takes a $200,000 lawsuit to vindicate is not a right equally held — it belongs to whoever has lawyers, money, and years to spend. Everyone else just has words on paper. This is the biggest statute in the document, and it exists for one reason: to give thirteen rights actual enforcement machinery — so the government defends them for the people who hold them, not just for the people who can afford to fight.
The rights existed. Enforcing them took money most people never had — so in practice they belonged to the people who could sue, and to no one else.Check it
Police seized cash and cars from people never charged with a crime, then routed the case through federal channels to escape state law that would have stopped them.Check it
People died in custody and the state shrugged. Prosecutors buried evidence that would have freed the innocent. Officers who knowingly violated the Constitution walked away shielded.Check it
Phone calls from prison cost families a fortune. Voter suppression got litigated one lawsuit at a time, always too late. And a state could simply refuse to honor a right, daring anyone to make it.Check it
Thirteen rights get enforcement architecture: private rights of action, reversed burdens, immunity stripped away, hard deadlines, and a government that acts for you.
Forfeiture’s equitable-sharing loophole is closed. Die from government negligence in custody, and negligence is presumed — the burden falls on the state, with no qualified immunity.
Brady disclosure gets teeth. Officers who willfully violate the Constitution are personally accountable. Voting-rights preclearance returns.
Clean water, food safety, survivor services, prison phone rates, record sealing, tribal consultation, family separation — each with a real remedy, and DOJ authority to intervene when a state refuses.
Cash and cars were seized from people never convicted — and when state law banned it, agencies passed the case to federal partners and took a cut anyway.Check it
The equitable-sharing evasion is closed. Proportionality hearings, a real innocent-owner defense, and Right 26’s protection against excessive fines and predatory forfeiture become enforceable rather than aspirational.
The state took custody of a person, the person died, and the family had to prove exactly how — against the only institution holding the evidence, and against qualified immunity.Check it
An automatic negligence presumption with the burden of proof reversed onto the government, a federal damages remedy, and qualified immunity abrogated for custody deaths. If you die in their hands, they answer for it.
Prosecutors withheld evidence that pointed to innocence, and the consequences for doing it were close to none.Check it
Brady obligations get real enforcement machinery — disclosure of favorable evidence becomes a duty with consequences, not a suggestion.
An officer could knowingly violate your rights and be shielded from personal consequence.Check it
Personal accountability for willful constitutional violations. Knowingly trampling the Constitution now reaches the person who did it.
Suppression tactics were fought one lawsuit at a time, always after an election was already lost, and people who had served their time never got their vote back.Check it
Preclearance returns with a trigger, a no-retrogression-plus-no-new-barriers standard, and a ten-year term. Specific suppression tactics are prohibited outright. Voting rights are automatically restored after time served.
Incarcerated people and their families were gouged for phone calls — a captive market monetized by contract.Check it
Free written access, privileged legal calls, and regulated rate caps. Keeping contact with your family and your lawyer stops being a luxury good.
Contaminated water, unsafe food, and unavailable shelter beds — with no way for the people harmed to force anything to change.Check it
Private rights of action for clean water and food safety, environmental-justice protections, federal emergency-response timelines, food-fraud and agricultural-worker protections, and survivor safety programs with bed ratios, geographic distribution, and permanent funding.
Social Security, disability, and unemployment could be cut, means-tested, or privatized by any Congress that wanted to — the benefits you paid into for forty years were a promise politicians could break.Check it
Social Security, disability insurance, survivors’ benefits, and unemployment are elevated to constitutional status and can’t be eliminated. Benefits you’ve already earned can’t be retroactively cut, and the system can’t be privatized in a way that removes the guarantee or dumps the market risk on you — no funding a tax cut by shrinking the check you were promised.
Supplements sold with health claims nobody tested. Apps promising to treat your anxiety with no proof. Products with hazards the maker knew about and never told you. You found out it didn’t work — or that it hurt you — after you’d already paid, or already been harmed.Check it
Drugs and devices must prove they’re safe and that they work before they’re sold. Any product, supplement, app, or piece of software that makes a health claim has to be able to back it up — with real evidence, before the claim is made. Known hazards must be disclosed, dangerous items get recalled fast, and anyone who sells you something unsafe or makes a claim they can’t prove is strictly liable for the harm.
Coerced, unpaid or near-unpaid labor persisted behind bars, and private detention operated outside public scrutiny.Check it
Voluntariness, compensation, and prohibited coercion standards — plus government ownership of detention infrastructure and a right of access, so no one profits from a cage in the dark.
Platforms engineered compulsion into children’s experiences and monetized the result.Check it
Commercial exploitation of children is addressed directly: prohibited design techniques and real enforcement. Manipulating a child for profit is not a business model.
Family separation happened, and the people it happened to had no mechanism to force reunification.Check it
A private right of action and reunification standards — an enforceable path back together, not a promise.
A record followed people forever, locking them out of work and housing long after any sentence ended.Check it
Criminal record sealing with a defined process, federal obligations, and anti-discrimination protection — so a past stops being a life sentence.
A state could defy a constitutional right and leave individuals to sue their way to a remedy, one at a time, for years.Check it
DOJ rapid intervention authority: the federal government can enforce a constitutional right against state resistance — on behalf of the people who hold it, instead of leaving them to fight alone. Equal-protection scrutiny tiers, SOGI anti-discrimination, and federal-funding nondiscrimination are all made enforceable, and no one born here can be left stateless.
You could prove the plant upwind was poisoning your kids and still lose — because no single source exceeded the limit on its own, or because proving negligence was impossible, or because the standard got quietly weakened. Monitors could be moved or defunded when the numbers got inconvenient. Water had protections. Air didn’t.Check it
Air gets the same protection water has. Standards rest on the best available science and can’t be weakened without a published finding that the new level is still safe. Emit above the health standard and you’re strictly liable — no negligence to prove — and “my share alone wasn’t enough” is not a defense when many sources pollute together. You can sue for damages, medical monitoring, and an order to clean it up. Overburdened communities get 1.5× damages and 14-day notice. And moving a monitor to hide a violation is itself a violation.
Nearly 90% of people in immigration detention are held by private companies that make money on every filled bed. Their contracts guarantee payment for beds whether or not anyone's in them — and Congress even wrote a law requiring a minimum of 33,400 people be locked up at all times. Investors complain on earnings calls when detention isn't high enough. When keeping a bed full is worth more than a person's freedom, people get detained to hit a number, not because justice requires it.Check it
No one can be deprived of their liberty to fill a quota, hit a target, or make someone money — it's a constitutional right (Article Twenty-Seven, Section 5). Bed mandates and guaranteed-minimum contracts are void. No one — official, contractor, or subcontractor — may profit from detaining more people or longer, or lose money by releasing them; the incentive to lock people up is removed from top to bottom. Every single detention has to rest on an individual, lawful reason particular to that person — never on available space or a contract target. If it doesn't, that person walks, and a court has to hear the case fast.
The power to investigate and charge someone with a crime is the heaviest weapon the state has — and there's no hard rule stopping a president from aiming it. A president can publicly declare his rivals "guilty as hell" and demand they be charged, fire the career prosecutors who look at the evidence and decline, install a loyal replacement to get the indictment, and quietly spare his allies from charges the evidence would bring. When prosecution runs on political command instead of evidence, the justice system becomes a tool for punishing enemies and protecting friends — the oldest move in the authoritarian playbook.Check itCheck it
Who gets investigated and charged rests on the evidence and the law, decided by the professionals whose job it is — not on who the president likes or hates. No one may order, pressure, or induce the prosecution of a specific person for political reasons — and, just as importantly, no one may order a specific case dropped to spare an ally. Both are corruption. A prosecutor can't be fired or sidelined for following the evidence, and firing the honest one to install a loyalist who'll deliver a pre-ordered indictment is itself a violation. Contacts about a specific case must be documented. And anyone prosecuted by political command can get the whole case thrown out. Setting fair, public law-enforcement priorities for everyone is still the government's job; aiming or withholding the law against one person by command is not — because no one is above the law, and no one is beneath its protection.
A veteran files for disability benefits they earned through service — help that's available for free from accredited veterans' organizations. But predatory "claim shark" companies swarm them: charging $2,000 to $30,000 to "help," often several times the benefit increase they get, sometimes using robo-dialers to watch a veteran's payments and auto-bill the moment benefits rise, whether they did any work or not. It was already illegal — but Congress stripped the criminal penalties 20 years ago, so the law had no teeth and an entire industry of predators sprang up to skim the earned benefits of the people the nation owes the most.Check it
A benefit you're entitled to is yours — nobody gets to sell you access to it. No private middleman may charge you a fee to claim a public benefit you can get for free; only accredited, regulated representatives working within protective limits may help, and legitimate free help stays free. Veterans get the full force of this: no unaccredited company may charge you a dime to pursue the benefits you earned by your service, and any fee that violates this is void and clawed back. The predatory tricks — fake government affiliation, contracts skimming your future benefit increases, auto-billing bots — are banned. And the teeth are back: return every dollar plus a matching penalty, criminal charges for knowing violators, and personal liability. A law without a penalty is just an invitation, and that invitation is revoked.
This is the plain-language version. The binding text is CS-15, the largest statute in this document, implementing Rights 14, 15, 16, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33, 34, 40, 41, 42, and 45, and Article Twenty-Seven, Sections 3 and 4, plus Articles Seventeen, Nineteen, Twenty, and Twenty-One.
This is your country’s law. Help shape the next draft of it.
